By Ollie Johnson, Karin Stanford
We all know greatly approximately civil rights businesses throughout the Nineteen Sixties, yet fairly little approximately black political agencies because that decade. Questions of concentration, responsibility, constitution, and relevance have surrounded those teams because the sleek Civil Rights circulate resulted in 1968. Political scientists Ollie A. Johnson III and Karin L. Stanford have assembled a bunch of students who learn the management, club, constitution, targets, ideology, actions, responsibility, and impression of up to date black political enterprises and their leaders. Questions thought of are: How have those enterprises tailored to the altering sociopolitical and fiscal setting? What ideological shifts, if any, have happened inside every one? What concerns are thought of very important to black political teams and what options are used to enforce their agendas? The individuals additionally examine how those organisations have tailored to adjustments in the black neighborhood and American society as an entire. companies coated comprise famous ones resembling the NAACP, Rainbow/PUSH Coalition, the Southern Christian management convention, the city League, and the Congress of Racial Equality, in addition to firms comparable to the nationwide organization of coloured Women's golf equipment. spiritual teams, together with black church buildings and the state of Islam, also are thought of.
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Extra resources for Black Political Organizations in the Post-Civil Rights Era
During the 1960s many Black churches preached that oppression was sinful and that Will the Circle Be Unbroken? 25 God sanctions protest aimed at eradicating social evils. ”52 He calls this process “cognitive liberation,” an important component of group consciousness. Miller and his colleagues note that the way in which people perceive and evaluate their position is an important link between the experience of certain social situations and political participation to address them. If the experience is politicized through consciousness and assessments of social justice, it can indirectly motivate social action.
Recent research by Allison Calhoun-Brown and Fredrick Harris has further defined the nature of this relationship. 12 From this perspective the church builds community and in the process supports the fight for racial justice by providing not only its institutional resources but a psychological base for action as well. In proposing the “dialectic model,” Lincoln and Mamiya attempt to reconcile these perspectives. They assert that the error of previous schemes is that they have not appreciated the dynamic nature of the orientation of the African American church toward social action.
Cone, the most influential Black American theologian at that time, took an affirmative stand on Black Power. He viewed it as a means of challenging White racism and of speaking with a prophetic voice in the current generation. For Cone, Black Power was an expression of Jesus’s identification with the oppressed. Patrick Bascio has observed that from this perspective a community that fails to produce a theology of the oppressed is not a Christian community. According to this view, the fact that Christ is the Liberator is the key to understanding Scripture and the Black struggle, God is on the side of the oppressed, and it is a “religious” act to fight for one’s rights.