By Eliot, Eliot Thomas Stearns; Eliot, Thomas Stearns; Lewis, Wyndham; Pound, Ezra; Pound, Ezra; Lewis, Wyndham; Eliot, Thomas Stearns; Surette, Leon
Whereas those authors' political tendencies are popular and lots more and plenty mentioned, prior stories have didn't appropriately examine the encompassing political situations that educated the categorical utopian aspirations in every one writer's works. Balancing a radical wisdom in their works with an realizing of the political weather of the early 20th century, Leon Surette presents new insights into the motivations and improvement of every writer's respective political postures. desires of a Totalitarian Utopia examines their political observation and their correspondence with one another from 1910s to the Nineteen Fifties. Contextualizing their political suggestion in a global by way of global wars, the nice melancholy, and the Bolshevik Revolution, Surette lines their shared issues and the divergent responses of every of those figures within the old second to the danger they perceived of democracies turning into the pawns of business and commercial elites, resulting in conflict and senseless consumerism. all of them leaned towards autocratic suggestions, notwithstanding Pound and Lewis ultimately admitted their mistakes
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Whereas those authors' political dispositions are popular and lots more and plenty mentioned, past reviews have didn't correctly examine the encompassing political conditions that trained the categorical utopian aspirations in every one writer's works. Balancing a radical wisdom in their works with an realizing of the political weather of the early 20th century, Leon Surette presents new insights into the motivations and improvement of every writer's respective political postures.
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Extra info for Dreams of a totalitarian utopia : literary modernism and politics
The threat of war – which had been the normal condition in Europe since 1815 – as opposed to actual combat, was sufficient for the 14 Dreams of a Totalitarian Utopia industrialists, since it required nations to buy armaments even if they were not used. However, actual wars were even better, accelerating the replacement of weapons far beyond what aging machinery and creeping obsolescence could achieve. At least so Lewis – and many others of all political stripes – believed. Representative works of the period presenting such an analysis are The Great Illusion (1909) by the British journalist Norman Angell, and The War of Steel and Gold (1914) by another British journalist, Henry N.
Europe, therefore, in accepting American contributions, the danger of which Mr. Mowrer certainly does not palliate, has contracted a malady the germs of which were bred in her own system. Americanization, in short, would probably have happened anyway; America itself has merely accelerated the process. (This American World, x-xi) Eliot was less supportive of Mowrer’s dependence on Spengler, explicitly rejecting the historicist view that historical events are determined (and therefore predictable) because they follow discoverable laws:6 “It is evident that Mr.
Mussolini was a former Sorelian Communist, and his longstanding mistress, Margherita Sarfati was Jewish. Certainly the Fascists fought Communists in the streets, and imprisoned them when in power, but fascist hostility to communism was more a naked struggle for power than a consequence of an ideological incompatibility, and it had no racist component – even though Mussolini was ultimately bullied into adopting anti-Semitic laws. Despite his unmistakable pessimism, Wyndham Lewis initially endorsed fascism, recommending it as a superior alternative to communism for “the Anglo Saxon countries” in The Art of Being Ruled, his first political book (320–1).